Purpose: The purpose of this study is to examine the role of social and religious rituals in preserving and strengthening social solidarity and reproducing the collective identity of Azerbaijani-speaking migrants in the Niroogah neighborhood of Qom within the framework of the kinship system. This research seeks to uncover the role of kinship networks in regulating and organizing the social life of the community under study. It also aims to identify the role of the kinship network as a macro‑structure in reproducing other social, economic, cultural, and social structures.

Methodology: This research has been conducted using ethnographic methods, including participant and field observation in more than 200 ceremonies, as well as semi‑structured interviews with 100 residents. Data were collected and analyzed in the natural environment through long-term immersion. In analyzing the data, and in order to create theoretical sensitivity, an attempt was made to draw upon diverse social science approaches, including those of Durkheim, Geertz, Bourdieu, Ibn Khaldun's concept of ‘asabiyyah, as well as Khajeh Nasir’s concept of love–justice and Hamid Parsania’s social worlds.

Findings: According to the findings, the kinship system, as a deeply rooted social system, generates and supports nine important ritual contexts of action in social life, including: the ritual context of marriage, the ritual context of mourning, the ritual context of Nowruz and public celebrations, the ritual context of collective assistance and mutual aid, the ritual context of illness, the ritual context of travel, the ritual context of religious rituals and mourning ceremonies, the connective (visitation-based) ritual context, and the ritual context of birth. Ritual contexts, as arenas of meaningful collective action, play a central role in creating social cohesion, strengthening support networks, and managing economic exchanges. These contexts have symbolic, emotional, and economic functions and act as informal mechanisms countering the pressures of urban modernity. Moreover, kinship rituals, as a macro‑structure, influence other social, cultural, and economic domains and lead to the reproduction of related structures under their umbrella.

Conclusions: This study emphasizes the need for policymakers and planners to strengthen kinship institutions and ritual contexts as key factors in reducing social problems and enhancing social solidarity in Iranian society. The gradual weakening and loss of credibility of these rituals among younger generations of migrants has directly led to the weakening of kinship ‘asabiyyah. This weakening has, in turn, paved the way for the emergence and intensification of new social harms; its concrete manifestation can be seen in the spread of individualism and the sharp increase in divorce rates within the tribes studied—reflecting the gradual breakdown of traditional social guarantees and pressures that once safeguarded core institutions. This indicates that in the absence of strong ‘asabiyyah bonds, the social life of the community is transitioning toward urban patterns of living that no longer possess the dense and solid backing of traditional structures. Nonetheless, the findings show that kinship-related relations and rituals, despite their weakening, still remain one of the most important pillars in reproducing a particular form of social life among the community studied.